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With the end of the Greek Civil war, a large part of the political refugees who will find themselves outside the borders, will settle in the People’ s Republic of Macedonia. The vast majority of them were (Slav) Macedonians who will completely excluded from the institutional rehabilitation of the “Greek-Born” (Ellines to Genos), political refugees, accepting their refugee status as an exile.
This article examines a project that was applied by the Greek Government, during the Greek Civil War in order to strike the opponent forces of Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). According to this specific project, villages which were located near mountainous territories, had to be depopulated and their population to be transferred to safety centres, which were controlled by the National Army of Greece (ES). In this way, the rebels of DSE would lose plenty of their advantages in the war. There would be detachment due to the loss of population, lack of the necessary food and goods but also far from the information networks. However, the most painful consequence of this policy was that DSE was diverged from the new rebels’ reserves, and with the time lapse the army was increasingly weakened. In order to introduce this project and how it took place, we chose to shed light in the example of Kilkis district. A region which includes two large mountains in its territory and presented remarkable action during the civil war for both opponent sides. We aimed to find and display separate case-studies and villages with different features so as to represent a global view of the facts which took place but most importantly to get into the logic of this policy that was experimented upon this population and led 700,000 people of the countryside to be forced to leave their houses and become refugees inside their state.
The paper discusses a significant aspect of the conflict at the level of local history. The onset and the intensification of the military clashes, between 1946-1949, led to a massive and extensive evacuation of the countryside from its population, which was directed to the closest or furthest safe urban centers. The article tries to address on five main issues: the scheme and the way in which the National Army evacuated the mountainous countryside of the prefecture of Trikala as well as the consequences of this policy, the way in which the local administration managed the internal refugees in terms of housing and care policies, the attempts of political control, but also the social contradistinctions that arose from the coexistence in the same society of impoverished internal refugees and prosperous natives.
The battle of Meligalas in September 1944 between ELAS and the local Security Battalion, and the acts of violence that followed are some of the bloodiest events that took place after the liberation of Greece from German occupation forces. This article examines the factors that led to this burst of violence and its extent. It is argued that the main factors were the violence perpetrated by the German occupation forces and the Security Battalions during the last year of the occupation, the need for revenge that it created, the continuous exposure to violence, and the antagonism between ELAS and the Security Battalions. The latter was promoted by the Germans and the British during the occupation and rose dramatically after the liberation, as both sides sought the elimination of their rivals and their prevalence.
The aim of this research is to examine the gendered dimension of the Greek Civil War through analyzing the experiences and choices of female fighters in the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). The study addresses issues as female memory and lived experience; exploring first-hand accounts and impressions of the DSE female fighters during the CivilWar. Social and collective commonalities are examined, as well as changes in the gender relations and shifts in the women’s social roles. Politicization and motives for joining the DSE, gender relations during the Civil War, domestication in “hyperoria” after the end of the war, are also discussed. The primary sources of this research are twelve interviews conducted with women, who actively participated as armed fighters in the DSE during the Greek Civil War.
During the Greek Civil War, strong propaganda policy was developed in urban areas, aiming mobilization of the population around the dominant state ideology. In this context, the present article focuses on Thessaloniki, where city authorities placed special emphasis on the organization of public ceremonies and events, such as national celebrations, patriotic speeches and philanthropic activities, with symbolic significance, aimed at stimulating national sentiment.
The aim of this document is the study of the children in Aitoloakarnanía, who as victims of the war conflicts, became subjects of political exploitation and accepted different aspects of welfare from the end of the Civil War till the decade of 1970. It is focused on the initiatives that were taken for the salvation of the children, as well as on the social welfare organizations and the charitable organizations. The most important of those organizations was the Paidopolis called “Τou Sotiros” in Agrinio. Afterwards, the charitable organization called “Foster Parents Plan” is presented to feature its work at the national level and its areas of action in the Greek state. The biggest part of this document is focused on the research and the processing of the folders of those who were admitted and those who were not in the “Foster Parents Plan” in Aitoloakarnanía between 1958 and 1968. Investigating those folders, the type of support, the ideological and political criteria of choosing the children are illustrated in relevance to the historical events of that period.
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During the Axis Occupation, the municipality of Pella constituted an area of intense controversy and conflict between different groups and interests. As it was expected, the resistance against the occupier brought about retaliation from its German and Bulgarian allies. The existence of a disparate population that spoke different languages (Slavophones and Vlachophones) gave to the Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Italo-Romanian propaganda the opportunity to be put in action and try to proselytize. Moreover, the monopolization of the resistance by EAM-ELAS and the hidden supremacy of KKE led to the pursuit of the opposing resistance organization YVE-PAO, and, in general, of all those that were aligned with it. Even more, the cooperation of some Greeks with the Germans in weapon acquisition and their fight against EAM-ELAS increased the complexity of the situation. Unfortunately, these conflicts and fights were too bloody and divided the local community for many decades. The present study aims to record the dead people in the Municipality and to point out the complexity of the conflicts. There has been utilization of the registry offices of the Municipalities, records, books, oral and written testimonies, monuments and, generally, all available sources.
This paper examines the persecution of Greek non-combatants in the context of the Greko-Italian War. In this sense, the forced displacement of the Greek minority and Greek citizens living in significant and concrete areas of southern Albania is analyzed. In addition, the living conditions in detention centers in Albania and Italy are investigated. Based on new archival sources, the extent and characteristics of these persecutions are examined.
This text refers to the foreign prisoners in Thessaloniki and especially to the Yugoslavs, who were found as a labor force for two years from 1943 to 1944 in the camps of Harmankioi and Pavlos Melas in Thessaloniki and in the three camps - branches of Pavlos Melas, those of Lianokladi, Domokos and of Kaitsa, a subject of "virgin" research. More specifically, it talks about the work they undertook, the places and conditions under which they worked, the specialty, the number of workers at each construction site and the time required to complete each project. The research was based mainly on Yugoslav sources, which confirms the uniqueness of the subject, aiming to highlight and place it in the wider scientific debate around the 1940s.
This article examines cases of interpretation, german and non-german, before and during World War II. Interpreters and translators remain in the obscurity of historiography, as secondary actors when in fact they played an important role both on the battlefields and behind the scenes. In this context, an overview of their action is attempted. More in detail, an attempt is made to clarify their motivations, their selection criteria, the qualifications they had to have and, much more, their role at work when the war conditions suggested their necessity.The article aspires to contribute to a first assessment of the role of interpreters in war conditions that has not been studied in the greekbibliography so far.
The National Liberation Front (ΕΑΜ) takes over the administration of the district of Rhodope in the middle of September 1944, thus, filling the administrative gap left by the Bulgarian Occupation forces which depart after some time. Since the EAM takes charge, they start keeping records of the existing material such as cash and other goods and they seek solutions to tackle various problems such as the alimentation, the financial reconstruction, the restitution and enshrinement of institutions as well as the improvement of the local’s health levels. In the present article, there will be a brief presentation of the work of the EAM administration in the Prefecture of Rhodope between the middle of September until the end of March 1945, which was the time when the General Administration of Thrace takes charge, as is reported in the archival sources available in the General State Archives (GAK) in Komotini. The material emanates from the meeting’s proceedings of the Prefectural and Municipal Council which are included in the Archive of Rhodope Prefecture as well as the communal archives. Specifically, the author investigates the ways used by the EAM to encounter the social and financial problems as well as the continuities and discontinuities recorded during the transition period to the state authorities, in order to fill the bibliographical gap concerning the specific time period in the Rhodope area.
The occupation of Eastern Macedonia and Thrace by the Bulgarian troops during the Second World War inaugurated the implementation of a policy for the formation of a Bulgarian national community in this area. The policy of the Bulgarian occupation authorities resulted in the emergence of a number of people who naturalized as Bulgarian citizens during this period, obtaining the Bulgarian citizenship. The aim of this article is to approach this phenomenon which manifested on a mass level during this period in the Bulgarian occupation zone. With a case study of the city of Xanthi there will be an attempt to interpret the motives of these people and to approach the way in which this choice affected the relations within the local society, with those who retained Greek citizenship during this period.
Alexandroupolis was liberated from the Axis Occupation by the ELAS forces, the military wing of EAM (National Liberation Front), in September 1944. The EAM civil administration of the free region, away from the political, financial and cultural center of Greece, tried to face the alimentation problem, the seriously damaged political and social structures, the mass destruction of the transport and communication infrastructure, the lack of national currency and the restart of the greek educational system that ceased to exist under the Bulgarian Occupation. Despite the difficult conditions and the inexperience of the elected members of the Civil Council, the new radical administration model EAM attempted to apply started to function but stopped abruptly when political tensions escalated and the White Terror was launched against the leftish citizens leading to the outbreak of the Civil War.
Athenian revue, the theatrical genre that satirizes current social and political issues, was confronted with momentous historical events in the 1940s: the Greco-Italian war, the German Occupation of Greece, the December events and the Civil War offered a rich array of topics to playwrights. However, not all aspects of these topics could find their way to the stage because of the circumstances of the time, for example censorship restrictions during the Occupation, the one-sided treatment of the Civil War or the attempt to maintain equal distances. This paper presents the main thematic axes around which Greek playwrights structured their revues during the 1940s and the manner in which their thematic choices were treated by theatre critics of the time.