During the Greek Civil War, strong propaganda policy was developed in urban areas, aiming mobilization of the population around the dominant state ideology. In this context, the present article focuses on Thessaloniki, where city authorities placed special emphasis on the organization of public ceremonies and events, such as national celebrations, patriotic speeches and philanthropic activities, with symbolic significance, aimed at stimulating national sentiment.

The aim of this document is the study of the children in Aitoloakarnanía, who as victims of the war conflicts, became subjects of political exploitation and accepted different aspects of welfare from the end of the Civil War till the decade of 1970. It is focused on the initiatives that were taken for the salvation of the children, as well as on the social welfare organizations and the charitable organizations. The most important of those organizations was the Paidopolis called “Τou Sotiros” in Agrinio. Afterwards, the charitable organization called “Foster Parents Plan” is presented to feature its work at the national level and its areas of action in the Greek state. The biggest part of this document is focused on the research and the processing of the folders of those who were admitted and those who were not in the “Foster Parents Plan” in Aitoloakarnanía between 1958 and 1968. Investigating those folders, the type of support, the ideological and political criteria of choosing the children are illustrated in relevance to the historical events of that period.

With the end of the Greek Civil war, a large part of the political refugees who will find themselves outside the borders, will settle in the People’ s Republic of Macedonia. The vast majority of them were (Slav) Macedonians who will completely excluded from the institutional rehabilitation of the “Greek-Born” (Ellines to Genos), political refugees, accepting their refugee status as an exile.

The paper discusses a significant aspect of the conflict at the level of local history. The onset and the intensification of the military clashes, between 1946-1949, led to a massive and extensive evacuation of the countryside from its population, which was directed to the closest or furthest safe urban centers. The article tries to address on five main issues: the scheme and the way in which the National Army evacuated the mountainous countryside of the prefecture of Trikala as well as the consequences of this policy, the way in which the local administration managed the internal refugees in terms of housing and care policies, the attempts of political control, but also the social contradistinctions that arose from the coexistence in the same society of impoverished internal refugees and prosperous natives.

The battle of Meligalas in September 1944 between ELAS and the local Security Battalion, and the acts of violence that followed are some of the bloodiest events that took place after the liberation of Greece from German occupation forces. This article examines the factors that led to this burst of violence and its extent. It is argued that the main factors were the violence perpetrated by the German occupation forces and the Security Battalions during the last year of the occupation, the need for revenge that it created, the continuous exposure to violence, and the antagonism between ELAS and the Security Battalions. The latter was promoted by the Germans and the British during the occupation and rose dramatically after the liberation, as both sides sought the elimination of their rivals and their prevalence.

This article examines a project that was applied by the Greek Government, during the Greek Civil War in order to strike the opponent forces of Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). According to this specific project, villages which were located near mountainous territories, had to be depopulated and their population to be transferred to safety centres, which were controlled by the National Army of Greece (ES). In this way, the rebels of DSE would lose plenty of their advantages in the war. There would be detachment due to the loss of population, lack of the necessary food and goods but also far from the information networks. However, the most painful consequence of this policy was that DSE was diverged from the new rebels’ reserves, and with the time lapse the army was increasingly weakened. In order to introduce this project and how it took place, we chose to shed light in the example of Kilkis district. A region which includes two large mountains in its territory and presented remarkable action during the civil war for both opponent sides. We aimed to find and display separate case-studies and villages with different features so as to represent a global view of the facts which took place but most importantly to get into the logic of this policy that was experimented upon this population and led 700,000 people of the countryside to be forced to leave their houses and become refugees inside their state.

The aim of this research is to examine the gendered dimension of the Greek Civil War through analyzing the experiences and choices of female fighters in the Democratic Army of Greece (DSE). The study addresses issues as female memory and lived experience; exploring first-hand accounts and impressions of the DSE female fighters during the CivilWar. Social and collective commonalities are examined, as well as changes in the gender relations and shifts in the women’s social roles. Politicization and motives for joining the DSE, gender relations during the Civil War, domestication in “hyperoria” after the end of the war, are also discussed. The primary sources of this research are twelve interviews conducted with women, who actively participated as armed fighters in the DSE during the Greek Civil War.